David Pryce-Jones
RAUS MIT UNS
The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine
By Ilan Pappe (Oneworld Publications 313pp £16.99)
Ilan Pappe is an Israeli academic who has made his name by hating Israel and everything it stands for. In his view, expressed with obsession and a degree of paranoia, Jewish nationalism, that is to say Zionism, has been from its outset a deliberate tool for dispossessing the Palestinians; and therefore it is to be condemned root and branch. He reserves the Palestinian term of Nakba, meaning catastrophe, for describing what to Israelis is their war of independence of 1948. To him, Israeli politicians and soldiers, one and all, are so many murderers. Forests have been planted only to cover up the past. Houses are ‘monstrous villas and palaces for rich American Jews’. Everything Israeli is ugly, everything Palestinian is beautiful. One day, he supposes, the Israelis may well consummate their original crime with something even worse. The only possible alternative lies in the immediate return of every Palestinian to his original home, and that will mean the end of the state whose existence so offends Pappe. This, of course, is exactly the inflexible position taken by Hamas and the PLO.
The reader’s initial reaction must be one of pity. Poor man! What a strain it must be to belong to a nation whose members are so overwhelmingly unbearable that he longs for them to be overpowered by others. Yet there is more to it than that. Sad and creepy though it is, Pappe’s anger is open to rational analysis.
The doctrinal element pushing Pappe into anti-Zionism is his prominent involvement in the Israeli Communist Party, known as Hadash. An outcrop of pure Stalinism and always a marginal movement, Communism in Israel rejected Zionism in favour of internationalism, according to which Jews and Arabs were to form a state together. Events, indeed the whole thrust of history, have proven this to be a complete illusion, but Pappe remains one of a minute handful still in its grip.
The further emotional element pushing Pappe towards his hatred of Zionism is best elucidated by J L Talmon in his profound book, The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution. Among the ‘horribly charged and tormenting questions’ Talmon asks is why so many Jews have adopted identities that seemingly allow them to deny their Jewishness. Uncountable numbers of Jews have followed the example of the Karl Marxes, Trotskys and Rosa Luxemburgs who sought identities as Communists and revolutionaries in the hope that this would allow them to merge with those who otherwise would be their persecutors. Some Communists – like Lazar Kaganovich, and many in the KGB as well as leaders in the Soviet satellites – set about the deliberate destruction of the Jewish religion and culture. Talmon speaks openly of the neurosis and ‘morbid masochism’ motivating such unhappy people.
In Nazi Germany a few Jews tried to camouflage themselves in a similar manner. Felix Jacoby opened his Kiel University lectures in 1933 by comparing Hitler to the Emperor Augustus. Dr Hans-Joachim Schoeps and Max Naumann even formed a movement of Jews for Hitler. With gallows humour, other Jews replied that this movement’s slogan was Raus mit Uns, or Out with Us. In Israel today, Neturei Karta, a sect of ultra-Orthodox Jews, believes that the Messiah alone should bring about a Jewish state, and that Israel is therefore an impiety fit for destruction. In New York they have a branch called Jews Against Zionism, and recently they welcomed President Ahmedinejad in person there, supporting his call for genocide in Israel. Pappe is the secular and political version of these sectarians. As often happens, extremists have come from opposing poles only to reach the same conclusion.
Zionism, in Pappe’s conventional Marxist view, had nothing to do with the need for Jews to survive persecution by Europeans or Arabs, but was only a settler and colonialist movement cynically directed by British imperialists and their greedy Jewish collaborators. He characterises David Ben-Gurion, the driving personality in the latter stages of the foundation of the state of Israel, as someone who always intended to expel Palestinians from the land. To bring this about, he assembled a body which Pappe refers to as the Consultancy, but the details of who these people were, and what they really did, he fails to give us, instead preferring to conjure an aura of sinister conspiracy. The Israelis were always the stronger party and knew that they would win out at the end of the British Mandate in 1948, Pappe says. In contrast, the Palestinians were defenceless and hardly violent at all, designated victims whose villages were mercilessly overrun and many of the inhabitants butchered.
A huge literature exists in British, Arab and Israeli archives to reveal the multiple reasons for the flight of the Palestinians at the time, ranging from a belief that invading Arab armies were about to rescue them, and they should move out of harm’s way, to a cultural reflex that they could not accept Jews in positions of authority, an escapism on the part of some leaders and delusions of power on the part of others, and of course fear. Savage things were certainly perpetrated by both sides – à la guerre comme à la guerre – but Pappe will have none of that, completely ignoring the context in all its complexity and local variation. His technique is to list towns and villages as though their capture involved always and only simple brutality and expulsion. No mention of the Jewish need to survive in an existential struggle in the aftermath of the Holocaust; no mention of the 6,000 Jews killed, which was 1 per cent of the population; no mention of Azzam Pasha of the Arab League promising a massacre of Jews on the scale of the Mongols; no mention of Arab radio propaganda and disinformation; no proper account of Arab military successes, brushing over Arab atrocities and the destruction of Jewish settlements; no mention of the countervailing expulsion and expropriation of a million Jews in Arab countries.
As history, the book is worthless. In interviews Pappe regularly explains: ‘We do [historiography] because of ideological reasons, not because we are truth seekers.’ For him, as a Marxist and anti-nationalist, ‘there is no such thing as truth, only a collection of narratives’. To substantiate his particular ideological narrative, Pappe puts the worst possible interpretation on any Jewish deed or word, while validating anything said or done by Palestinians. For evidence of Israeli monstrosity, he relies on quotations from his own previous works or from Palestinian polemicists, and above all on the oral testimonies of Palestinian refugees. Over half a century of military and ideological conflict has passed since their exodus, but Pappe declares his faith that whatever they now say is true. This might all seem too pathological to matter much, but Arab and Muslim extremists are making huge efforts to contest the legitimacy of Israel, and many of their allies on the international Left will lean on Pappe for purposes of ‘pilgering’ and ‘fisking’.
The final element contributing to Pappe’s mindset lies in the sphere of psychology and fashion. Contemporary intellectuals have long been accustomed to glorying in an adversarial stance towards their own society, preening themselves as men of nobler spirits than the dull indifferent masses around them, and isolated not because they are foolish but because they are brave. It is a form of snobbery – moral snobbery – which is why intellectuals of this kind are so widely resented.
There is a fatal contradiction at the heart of Pappe’s advocacy of the immediate return of all Palestinian refugees as the necessary condition of peace. If Israelis are really as vicious as Pappe presents them, then Palestinians could not possibly want to live among them. Are Palestinians to return only to wipe out Israelis or to be wiped out themselves? Poor Palestinians, poor Israelis, to be mobilised for such fates. And should Hamas, the PLO or President Ahmadinejad make good on threats to eliminate Israel, there will not be time to rescue Pappe from the consequences of his moral snobbery and his Marxism, or to discover whether he really applauds his own Raus mit Uns demise.
http://www.literaryreview.co.uk/pryce-jones_11_06.html
11/21/2009
11/10/2009
Divine Intervention
Divine intervention
By Sitiveni Rabuka (Sunday, October 26, 2008)
Miracles on the battlefield ... Israeli soldiers talked of divine intervention in their six-day war
Ni sa bula. On 14 May (!) 1948, against all odds, having been dispersed all over the world for two millennium, Israel was re-birthed as a nation fulfilling prophecies in the Old Testament Books of Ezekiel, Jeremiah, and Isaiah.
This re-birth astounded the world. Never before had an entire race of people, widely scattered around the world, without a homeland, re-establish itself as a nation and in one single day, as well! Israel is the only nation with this unique, historical experience.
Historians and theologians before this event were generally of the view that God's Word in the Old Testament on gathering and restoring His people as a nation back on the land He promised them, were not to be literally taken, because it simply was just not possible. When a race of people is scattered among nations, they usually are assimilated into other cultures and communities, which renders their coming together as a nation virtually impossible.
This view was demolished when Israel was re-born as a nation in 1948 and generated great interest in Biblical prophecy as realisation grew that God means exactly what He says! Jeremiah 31:10, the prophet says" Hear the word of the Lord, O nations; proclaim it in distant coastlands: He who scattered Israel will gather them and will watch over His flock like a shepherd."
No sooner had Israel proclaimed its independence on Friday 14 May 1948, five Arab nations, Egypt, Syria, Trans-Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq launched an attack against the newly re-born and tiny nation, on the same day! They were out to destroy the new state, and reclaim the land for the setting up of another Arab state. The Arab states far outnumbered and out-gunned the Jews. They had troops, artillery and other military hardware that the Jews did not have. Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League at the time, confidently declared; "This will be a war of extermination and a momentous massacre which will be spoken of like the Mongolian massacres and the Crusades."
Given the clear superiority of the Arab states in heavy arms, fire power and troops, an Arab victory was expected and boldly predicted. Very few felt that Israel would survive the onslaught.
But Israel bravely fought back, and won what they called their war of independance and liberation against Arab aggression. They gained more territory, and when the war was over the Arabs were left with less territory and more wounded. Had the Secretary General, Azzam Pasha known Jeremiah 31:10 in which God promises to watch over His people, having returned them to the promised land, like a shepherd over his flock, one wonders whether he would have still been so confident of Israel's destruction.
The Israeli-Arab conflict, however, did not end. Israel went on to survive, the 1956 Suez Canal crisis; the 1967 six day war; and the 1973 Yom Kippur war. In every war and conflict, reports of supernatural and angelic interventions on Israel's behalf came from both the Israelis and the Arabs. The prophet Zechariah had foretold that in the end times, God will defend Israel and send His angels to fight for and with His people. Zechariah 12:8 "In that day shall the Lord defend the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and he that is feeble among them at that day shall be as David; and the House of David shall be as God, as the angel of the Lord before them."
A story is told of a small Jewish community, Pekiin under siege by Arabs who were determined to wipe them out. However, they encountered huge strange beings with flaming swords, and they ran away in great fear, as the astonished village rabbi watched them.
During the 1967 six day war, Gershon Saloman lay badly wounded and saw Syrian soldiers moving into their area shooting wounded Israeli soldiers. They were about to shoot him, when all of a sudden they fled the area leaving their weapons behind. The Syrian soldiers later reported to UN officers that they saw "thousands of angels" surrounding the wounded soldier and that was why they ran away.
An Israeli military historian recorded that during the 1973 Yom Kippur war, an Israeli soldier in the Sinai took captive an Egyptian column and led them to where the Israeli troops were. The Egyptian commander was asked why he and his men gave themselves up to the lone Israeli soldier. He responded with surprise; "One soldier? There were thousands of them." He said that as they neared the Israeli lines, the "soldiers" began disappearing. The Israeli soldier reported that he was by himself when the Egyptian commander and his men surrendered to him. He was totally unaware of the "thousands of soldiers" the Egyptian soldiers saw with him, since he himself did not see them. Psalm 91:10-11 promises that "No evil shall befall you, nor shall any plague come near your dwelling, For He shall give his angels charge over you, to keep you in all your ways."
Bill McKay, a film producer who investigated miracles surrounding Israel's existence and has produced a documentary called In search of a miracle- Against all Odds, said that military experts are puzzled as to how the Israelis won wars they should have lost. Israel's victories just do not make any sense to them.
The documentary shows an eye witness account; Commander David Yinni, during the 1973 Yom Kippur war, preparing to retreat from the Syrian army, when he realised that he and his men were trapped in the middle of a minefield. He ordered his men to clear the mines using their bayonets, crawl on the ground and dig 30 inches deep, carefully disengaging the mines. The slightest mistake and they were in peril of being blown up. One of his men prayed. Suddenly, a windstorm came upon them. It was so strong that it lifted up their tanks and rocked them. By the time the storm moved on, it had literally blown 30 inches of topsoil off. The Israeli soldiers could see every single mine and quickly made their escape.
God's protection over Israel is also for nations and people who believe in Him and worship Him as the King of Kings and the Lord of Lords.
Fiji was brought out of a dark history of cannibalism, tribal wars and ancestor worship, thanks to the early pioneering missionaries who brought the Bible and the Light of the Lord Jesus Christ into the lives of our forefathers.
We thank God our Father, for the Light of Christ in this land, and if we remain faithful God will do the "impossible" in our personal lives and in this nation. The nation of Israel is living testimony of the God of the impossible. He did it for Israel, so will He also move on behalf of those who believe, obey and love Him, in this nation.
When I look back at the dates I write about in this article, I can admit that for me 14 May was the only convenient day for my plan in 1987. That the day coincided with Israel's Independence Day, and the first arrival of Indian workers into Fiji - I have often wondered - whether it really was a coincidence and not divine design.
I made the Declaration of our Republic at midnight on 6 October 1987 to coincide with the date of the Yom Kippur War and for Fiji to start its new journey on October 7, '7' being the number serious students of theology and God associate with our Creator.
But, we still celebrate the day the chiefs surrendered their sovereignty in 1874 and the date we partly got it back in 1970, as our national day. Most people do not know the date we became a Republic!
But, stay encouraged - the Lord thy God is near thee. Shalu Shlom Yerushalayim! Pray for the peace of Jerusalem! And pray for the peace of our beloved nation! Have a great and blessed week.
Copyright © 2009, Fiji Times Limited. All Rights Reserved.
http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=104343
By Sitiveni Rabuka (Sunday, October 26, 2008)
Miracles on the battlefield ... Israeli soldiers talked of divine intervention in their six-day war
Ni sa bula. On 14 May (!) 1948, against all odds, having been dispersed all over the world for two millennium, Israel was re-birthed as a nation fulfilling prophecies in the Old Testament Books of Ezekiel, Jeremiah, and Isaiah.
This re-birth astounded the world. Never before had an entire race of people, widely scattered around the world, without a homeland, re-establish itself as a nation and in one single day, as well! Israel is the only nation with this unique, historical experience.
Historians and theologians before this event were generally of the view that God's Word in the Old Testament on gathering and restoring His people as a nation back on the land He promised them, were not to be literally taken, because it simply was just not possible. When a race of people is scattered among nations, they usually are assimilated into other cultures and communities, which renders their coming together as a nation virtually impossible.
This view was demolished when Israel was re-born as a nation in 1948 and generated great interest in Biblical prophecy as realisation grew that God means exactly what He says! Jeremiah 31:10, the prophet says" Hear the word of the Lord, O nations; proclaim it in distant coastlands: He who scattered Israel will gather them and will watch over His flock like a shepherd."
No sooner had Israel proclaimed its independence on Friday 14 May 1948, five Arab nations, Egypt, Syria, Trans-Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq launched an attack against the newly re-born and tiny nation, on the same day! They were out to destroy the new state, and reclaim the land for the setting up of another Arab state. The Arab states far outnumbered and out-gunned the Jews. They had troops, artillery and other military hardware that the Jews did not have. Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League at the time, confidently declared; "This will be a war of extermination and a momentous massacre which will be spoken of like the Mongolian massacres and the Crusades."
Given the clear superiority of the Arab states in heavy arms, fire power and troops, an Arab victory was expected and boldly predicted. Very few felt that Israel would survive the onslaught.
But Israel bravely fought back, and won what they called their war of independance and liberation against Arab aggression. They gained more territory, and when the war was over the Arabs were left with less territory and more wounded. Had the Secretary General, Azzam Pasha known Jeremiah 31:10 in which God promises to watch over His people, having returned them to the promised land, like a shepherd over his flock, one wonders whether he would have still been so confident of Israel's destruction.
The Israeli-Arab conflict, however, did not end. Israel went on to survive, the 1956 Suez Canal crisis; the 1967 six day war; and the 1973 Yom Kippur war. In every war and conflict, reports of supernatural and angelic interventions on Israel's behalf came from both the Israelis and the Arabs. The prophet Zechariah had foretold that in the end times, God will defend Israel and send His angels to fight for and with His people. Zechariah 12:8 "In that day shall the Lord defend the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and he that is feeble among them at that day shall be as David; and the House of David shall be as God, as the angel of the Lord before them."
A story is told of a small Jewish community, Pekiin under siege by Arabs who were determined to wipe them out. However, they encountered huge strange beings with flaming swords, and they ran away in great fear, as the astonished village rabbi watched them.
During the 1967 six day war, Gershon Saloman lay badly wounded and saw Syrian soldiers moving into their area shooting wounded Israeli soldiers. They were about to shoot him, when all of a sudden they fled the area leaving their weapons behind. The Syrian soldiers later reported to UN officers that they saw "thousands of angels" surrounding the wounded soldier and that was why they ran away.
An Israeli military historian recorded that during the 1973 Yom Kippur war, an Israeli soldier in the Sinai took captive an Egyptian column and led them to where the Israeli troops were. The Egyptian commander was asked why he and his men gave themselves up to the lone Israeli soldier. He responded with surprise; "One soldier? There were thousands of them." He said that as they neared the Israeli lines, the "soldiers" began disappearing. The Israeli soldier reported that he was by himself when the Egyptian commander and his men surrendered to him. He was totally unaware of the "thousands of soldiers" the Egyptian soldiers saw with him, since he himself did not see them. Psalm 91:10-11 promises that "No evil shall befall you, nor shall any plague come near your dwelling, For He shall give his angels charge over you, to keep you in all your ways."
Bill McKay, a film producer who investigated miracles surrounding Israel's existence and has produced a documentary called In search of a miracle- Against all Odds, said that military experts are puzzled as to how the Israelis won wars they should have lost. Israel's victories just do not make any sense to them.
The documentary shows an eye witness account; Commander David Yinni, during the 1973 Yom Kippur war, preparing to retreat from the Syrian army, when he realised that he and his men were trapped in the middle of a minefield. He ordered his men to clear the mines using their bayonets, crawl on the ground and dig 30 inches deep, carefully disengaging the mines. The slightest mistake and they were in peril of being blown up. One of his men prayed. Suddenly, a windstorm came upon them. It was so strong that it lifted up their tanks and rocked them. By the time the storm moved on, it had literally blown 30 inches of topsoil off. The Israeli soldiers could see every single mine and quickly made their escape.
God's protection over Israel is also for nations and people who believe in Him and worship Him as the King of Kings and the Lord of Lords.
Fiji was brought out of a dark history of cannibalism, tribal wars and ancestor worship, thanks to the early pioneering missionaries who brought the Bible and the Light of the Lord Jesus Christ into the lives of our forefathers.
We thank God our Father, for the Light of Christ in this land, and if we remain faithful God will do the "impossible" in our personal lives and in this nation. The nation of Israel is living testimony of the God of the impossible. He did it for Israel, so will He also move on behalf of those who believe, obey and love Him, in this nation.
When I look back at the dates I write about in this article, I can admit that for me 14 May was the only convenient day for my plan in 1987. That the day coincided with Israel's Independence Day, and the first arrival of Indian workers into Fiji - I have often wondered - whether it really was a coincidence and not divine design.
I made the Declaration of our Republic at midnight on 6 October 1987 to coincide with the date of the Yom Kippur War and for Fiji to start its new journey on October 7, '7' being the number serious students of theology and God associate with our Creator.
But, we still celebrate the day the chiefs surrendered their sovereignty in 1874 and the date we partly got it back in 1970, as our national day. Most people do not know the date we became a Republic!
But, stay encouraged - the Lord thy God is near thee. Shalu Shlom Yerushalayim! Pray for the peace of Jerusalem! And pray for the peace of our beloved nation! Have a great and blessed week.
Copyright © 2009, Fiji Times Limited. All Rights Reserved.
http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=104343
9/22/2009
My Poor Neglected Blog
It has been a “facebook summer” filled with enjoyable, not always wasted hours (although plenty of time wasting as well). What is so fascinating about facebook that drives us to check “the Wall” ten times a day for updates about what somebody is having for lunch or other mundane news? Well, for one thing, one can learn new vocabulary, such as chrysocarpophagist, or find out that ferrets can swim like otters, or other fascinating factoids. Facebook has unlimited potential to connect family, friends, and like-minded people, and mingle those who would otherwise never meet. It becomes a community, fulfilling a social need to connect.
Meanwhile, though, the blogosphere is falling by the wayside. People are neglecting to update their blogs, myself included. Facebook has become my one-liner journal rather than taking the sweet time to write out my thoughts here or post an important article. I miss blogging, and I miss the blogs of others who no longer share their deeper or amusing thoughts.
There are things I don’t like about facebook.....it is glitchy, shallow, a time waster, full of dumb quizzes and goofy applications, contributes to mind clutter, annoys with cryptic drama, etc. It is addictive, though. Got to get another fix at least ten times a day. Something is wrong with this habit. I think I need to fast from facebook for a period of time...maybe at least on Sabbath to break the bondage.
Well, enough for now, dear Ponderings blog. I am accustomed to short sound bites now. Got to check the Wall for the latest updates, lest I miss something of earth-shattering importance, like how Suzie’s raspberry pie turned out.
Meanwhile, though, the blogosphere is falling by the wayside. People are neglecting to update their blogs, myself included. Facebook has become my one-liner journal rather than taking the sweet time to write out my thoughts here or post an important article. I miss blogging, and I miss the blogs of others who no longer share their deeper or amusing thoughts.
There are things I don’t like about facebook.....it is glitchy, shallow, a time waster, full of dumb quizzes and goofy applications, contributes to mind clutter, annoys with cryptic drama, etc. It is addictive, though. Got to get another fix at least ten times a day. Something is wrong with this habit. I think I need to fast from facebook for a period of time...maybe at least on Sabbath to break the bondage.
Well, enough for now, dear Ponderings blog. I am accustomed to short sound bites now. Got to check the Wall for the latest updates, lest I miss something of earth-shattering importance, like how Suzie’s raspberry pie turned out.
7/05/2009
Endorsing Palestinian Apartheid
Endorsing Palestinian Apartheid
Why does world accept notion of Palestinian state free of Jews?
Jonathan Dahoah-Halevi
YNET News
Aharon Barak, Israeli Supreme Court president, in a speech on June 25 before a meeting of the New Israel Fund touched an exposed nerve regarding the identity and existence of Israel as a Jewish state and a democracy. He burned his candle at both ends when he unequivocally expressed his support for a democratic Jewish state on the one hand and complete fealty to the idea of a country for all its citizens on the other.
His notions were amazing. If Israel is supposed to be a country for all its citizens, why discriminate against non-Jews and give Jews priority in immigration? If he were really faithful to the principle of equality, why did he find it necessary to insist that Israel was a Jewish state and not one determined democratically by “all its citizens?” In a situation of equality, why should the Law of Return not apply to Israel’s Arab population, since “the rights (of the Jews) must be equal those of the Arabs?”
The State of Israel is undergoing a serious identity crisis. The schism between Jews and Arabs grows worse and the Arabs regard themselves as Palestinians rather than Israelis. It also grows worse between those who are faithful to the Zionist idea of a democratic Jewish state and the post-Zionists who want to eradicate the Jewish nature of the state and establish one for all the citizens living within the borders of the State of Israel as it is today, or within the land of Israel-Palestine.
Both solutions are problematic. A democratic Jewish state can provide equality for all its citizens as long as it does not endanger its Jewish nature, and in effect it negates the right of groups which are not Jewish (or Jews who do not agree with its mindset) to change the face of the state in a democratic majority process.
On the other hand, the implication of a state for all its citizens includes within it destroying the unique Jewishness of the state, which was founded as a sanctuary for the Jewish people returning to its historical homeland, as well as including the demand to deny the right of the Jewish people and the Jews living in Israel to their own land.
There is an inherent imbalance in the proposed political arrangement. The Palestinians have won international recognition for their demand to establish a Palestinian state from which all Jews will be expelled. The basic law of the Palestinian Authority, which is the state in the making, expressly states that “Islam is the official religion of Palestine” and that “the principles of Islamic law (Sharia) are the primary source of lawmaking.”
Palestinians demand ‘just agreement’
The international community has permitted the Palestinians what it tries to keep from Israel, that is, the Palestinians are within their rights to establish a country based on the religion of the majority of its citizens, and a Christian minority, even if it should become the majority, will not be entitled to change the nature of the state but at most to be allowed freedom of worship.
Human rights champions in shining armor endlessly preach morality to Israel and demand a country for all its citizens while accepting the morality of establishing an apartheid, racist, Palestinian state which openly and proudly states its intention of being Judenrein.
The foundations of the peace process of the Oslo Accords of 1993 (rapprochement between the sides through interim agreements) crumbled during the al-Aqsa intifada and the united Palestinian front, from Fatah to Hamas, which unequivocally rejects a compromise with Israel and demands a “just arrangement,” based on demands for the right to return of millions of Palestinian refugees and their descendents to what is currently the State of Israel. Those ideas were mentioned again and again in speeches given by Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal.
No one contests the right of the Palestinians to a national state even if it is based on racism and it is liable to be an extremist theocracy like Iran, a foretaste of which can be seen in the Gaza Strip since the Hamas takeover. Even the government of Israel headed by Benjamin Netanyahu recognizes that right and demands that the Palestinian state be demilitarized, among other things.
The Palestinian problem, it is assumed, will be solved when the Palestinian state comes into being. The arrangement, lacking in political symmetry based on a genuine compromise, will leave the gates of conflict wide open and the demand for the “return” of millions of Palestinians, which would mean the expulsion of Jews to make room for the refugees, would raise again the wish for self determination of the Jews of Israel.
International politics will no longer have to deal with the “Palestinian problem,” but rather, with the “Jewish problem” in Palestine.
Why does world accept notion of Palestinian state free of Jews?
Jonathan Dahoah-Halevi
YNET News
Aharon Barak, Israeli Supreme Court president, in a speech on June 25 before a meeting of the New Israel Fund touched an exposed nerve regarding the identity and existence of Israel as a Jewish state and a democracy. He burned his candle at both ends when he unequivocally expressed his support for a democratic Jewish state on the one hand and complete fealty to the idea of a country for all its citizens on the other.
His notions were amazing. If Israel is supposed to be a country for all its citizens, why discriminate against non-Jews and give Jews priority in immigration? If he were really faithful to the principle of equality, why did he find it necessary to insist that Israel was a Jewish state and not one determined democratically by “all its citizens?” In a situation of equality, why should the Law of Return not apply to Israel’s Arab population, since “the rights (of the Jews) must be equal those of the Arabs?”
The State of Israel is undergoing a serious identity crisis. The schism between Jews and Arabs grows worse and the Arabs regard themselves as Palestinians rather than Israelis. It also grows worse between those who are faithful to the Zionist idea of a democratic Jewish state and the post-Zionists who want to eradicate the Jewish nature of the state and establish one for all the citizens living within the borders of the State of Israel as it is today, or within the land of Israel-Palestine.
Both solutions are problematic. A democratic Jewish state can provide equality for all its citizens as long as it does not endanger its Jewish nature, and in effect it negates the right of groups which are not Jewish (or Jews who do not agree with its mindset) to change the face of the state in a democratic majority process.
On the other hand, the implication of a state for all its citizens includes within it destroying the unique Jewishness of the state, which was founded as a sanctuary for the Jewish people returning to its historical homeland, as well as including the demand to deny the right of the Jewish people and the Jews living in Israel to their own land.
There is an inherent imbalance in the proposed political arrangement. The Palestinians have won international recognition for their demand to establish a Palestinian state from which all Jews will be expelled. The basic law of the Palestinian Authority, which is the state in the making, expressly states that “Islam is the official religion of Palestine” and that “the principles of Islamic law (Sharia) are the primary source of lawmaking.”
Palestinians demand ‘just agreement’
The international community has permitted the Palestinians what it tries to keep from Israel, that is, the Palestinians are within their rights to establish a country based on the religion of the majority of its citizens, and a Christian minority, even if it should become the majority, will not be entitled to change the nature of the state but at most to be allowed freedom of worship.
Human rights champions in shining armor endlessly preach morality to Israel and demand a country for all its citizens while accepting the morality of establishing an apartheid, racist, Palestinian state which openly and proudly states its intention of being Judenrein.
The foundations of the peace process of the Oslo Accords of 1993 (rapprochement between the sides through interim agreements) crumbled during the al-Aqsa intifada and the united Palestinian front, from Fatah to Hamas, which unequivocally rejects a compromise with Israel and demands a “just arrangement,” based on demands for the right to return of millions of Palestinian refugees and their descendents to what is currently the State of Israel. Those ideas were mentioned again and again in speeches given by Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal.
No one contests the right of the Palestinians to a national state even if it is based on racism and it is liable to be an extremist theocracy like Iran, a foretaste of which can be seen in the Gaza Strip since the Hamas takeover. Even the government of Israel headed by Benjamin Netanyahu recognizes that right and demands that the Palestinian state be demilitarized, among other things.
The Palestinian problem, it is assumed, will be solved when the Palestinian state comes into being. The arrangement, lacking in political symmetry based on a genuine compromise, will leave the gates of conflict wide open and the demand for the “return” of millions of Palestinians, which would mean the expulsion of Jews to make room for the refugees, would raise again the wish for self determination of the Jews of Israel.
International politics will no longer have to deal with the “Palestinian problem,” but rather, with the “Jewish problem” in Palestine.
6/28/2009
FFOZ Controversy
A LETTER FROM TIM HEGG...................
The time has come for me to make clear my relationship with First Fruits of Zion (FFOZ). In the past I have been closely associated with that ministry as an author, seminar speaker, and a regular contributor to and theological editor of "Messiah Magazine." I must now state openly that I am no longer associated with that ministry. Sadly, I must further state that I strongly disagree with recent changes they have made in important aspects of their teaching. These changes were confirmed to me this week in a face-to-face meeting I had with Boaz Michael, the Director and Founder of FFOZ.
These changes relate to 1) their teaching that Jews and Gentiles have a different relationship to the Torah, 2) their intention to lead messianic communities to define themselves within "normative Judaism," 3) their encouragement for messianics to appreciate and accept a Kabbalistic approach to spirituality, and thus 4) their willingness to employ a mystical hermeneutic as a valid means for interpreting the Scriptures.
While each of these shifts in the teaching of FFOZ touch vital aspects of our faith and community life, I believe that the most important issue is that of biblical authority, because the Bible forms the foundation upon which all other matters of faith and practice rest. I am therefore very concerned by the fact that in their recently published Commentary and Study Guide to Paul Levertoff's Love and the Messianic Age, they embrace a kabbalistic hermeneutic as a valid method for interpreting the Scriptures.
The purpose for publishing Levertoff's work and the accompanying Commentary is not merely to help us appreciate Chasidic thought, philosophy, and theology. It is much more than that. In the Foreword of the Commentary and Study Guide, the work is described not only as a commentary on Levertoff's writing but also that "it is a plunge into the deepest waters of New Testament mysticism and apostolic theosophy" (p. 9). This is a significant statement, because the only way a person could find such "mysticism and apostolic theosophy" in the Bible, akin to that which Levertoff extols, is to employ a kabbalistic hermeneutic. Such a hermeneutic very often undermines the clear meaning of the biblical text itself.
Being made aware of these doctrinal changes in the teaching of FFOZ may be discouraging for many. I know that it has been for me. It gives me no pleasure to disagree so openly with former colleagues I still hold in high regard. Yet we must strive for the truth and be encouraged in the eternal promises of God given to us in the unchanging, inspired words of Scripture. Even as the Apostles themselves battled against a growing Gnosticism that threatened to waylay the followers of Yeshua with "vain philosophy and empty deception" (Col 2:8), so we must be on our guard to bring all things under the scrutiny of the Scriptures.
I have written an 11 page paper focusing primarily upon the present crisis we are facing within the messianic movement regarding the issue of Biblical Authority. I hope you will take the time to read it and share it with others.
Are the Scriptures Alone our Sure Foundation
or Do We Need Something More?
A Growing Crisis in the Messianic Movement
--------------------------
Tim Hegg • June 2009
Perhaps, after reading the title of this essay, you’re asking yourself, “Is there really a crisis within the Messianic movement over the sufficiency of the Scriptures?” Yes, there is, and I hope to alert you to it in this essay. Remember that in the March Newsletter, I wrote about this issue because I was alarmed when I read how Mark Kinzer, a major voice in the UMJC, openly denies the sufficiency of Scripture as the means by which we may know God and obey His commandments.[1] He boldly affirms that in addition to the Scriptures, we must also rely upon the cumulative teachings of the Rabbis (the Oral Torah) as a necessary partner to the Scriptures. As the current President of the Messianic Jewish Theological Institute, Kinzer’s position on the insufficiency of the Bible will doubtlessly be urged upon the students who attend his Institute.
But there is something even more subtle that undermines the sufficiency of Scripture, and this relates to the method some are embracing for interpreting the Bible, or what we call hermeneutics. I have been concerned as I have watched recent doctrinal shifts within the teachings of FFOZ. Setting aside for now their new position on the relationship of Gentiles to the Torah, their recent republication of Paul Philip Levertoff’s Love and the Messianic Age and (even more) their Commentary and Study Guide on Levertoff's book, makes a clear statement about their willingness to embrace a kabbalistic hermeneutic as a valid method for interpreting Scripture. If you’re wondering why I think this signals a crisis, read on.
[1] This does not mean that Kinzer denies the trustworthiness of Scripture. It means that he aligns himself with a basic tenet of rabbinic Judaism, that the Written Torah by itself is incomplete because apart from the Oral Torah, it cannot be fully understood or implemented.
http://www.torahresource.com/Hermeneutic_Crisis.html
---------------
The time has come for me to make clear my relationship with First Fruits of Zion (FFOZ). In the past I have been closely associated with that ministry as an author, seminar speaker, and a regular contributor to and theological editor of "Messiah Magazine." I must now state openly that I am no longer associated with that ministry. Sadly, I must further state that I strongly disagree with recent changes they have made in important aspects of their teaching. These changes were confirmed to me this week in a face-to-face meeting I had with Boaz Michael, the Director and Founder of FFOZ.
These changes relate to 1) their teaching that Jews and Gentiles have a different relationship to the Torah, 2) their intention to lead messianic communities to define themselves within "normative Judaism," 3) their encouragement for messianics to appreciate and accept a Kabbalistic approach to spirituality, and thus 4) their willingness to employ a mystical hermeneutic as a valid means for interpreting the Scriptures.
While each of these shifts in the teaching of FFOZ touch vital aspects of our faith and community life, I believe that the most important issue is that of biblical authority, because the Bible forms the foundation upon which all other matters of faith and practice rest. I am therefore very concerned by the fact that in their recently published Commentary and Study Guide to Paul Levertoff's Love and the Messianic Age, they embrace a kabbalistic hermeneutic as a valid method for interpreting the Scriptures.
The purpose for publishing Levertoff's work and the accompanying Commentary is not merely to help us appreciate Chasidic thought, philosophy, and theology. It is much more than that. In the Foreword of the Commentary and Study Guide, the work is described not only as a commentary on Levertoff's writing but also that "it is a plunge into the deepest waters of New Testament mysticism and apostolic theosophy" (p. 9). This is a significant statement, because the only way a person could find such "mysticism and apostolic theosophy" in the Bible, akin to that which Levertoff extols, is to employ a kabbalistic hermeneutic. Such a hermeneutic very often undermines the clear meaning of the biblical text itself.
Being made aware of these doctrinal changes in the teaching of FFOZ may be discouraging for many. I know that it has been for me. It gives me no pleasure to disagree so openly with former colleagues I still hold in high regard. Yet we must strive for the truth and be encouraged in the eternal promises of God given to us in the unchanging, inspired words of Scripture. Even as the Apostles themselves battled against a growing Gnosticism that threatened to waylay the followers of Yeshua with "vain philosophy and empty deception" (Col 2:8), so we must be on our guard to bring all things under the scrutiny of the Scriptures.
I have written an 11 page paper focusing primarily upon the present crisis we are facing within the messianic movement regarding the issue of Biblical Authority. I hope you will take the time to read it and share it with others.
Are the Scriptures Alone our Sure Foundation
or Do We Need Something More?
A Growing Crisis in the Messianic Movement
--------------------------
Tim Hegg • June 2009
Perhaps, after reading the title of this essay, you’re asking yourself, “Is there really a crisis within the Messianic movement over the sufficiency of the Scriptures?” Yes, there is, and I hope to alert you to it in this essay. Remember that in the March Newsletter, I wrote about this issue because I was alarmed when I read how Mark Kinzer, a major voice in the UMJC, openly denies the sufficiency of Scripture as the means by which we may know God and obey His commandments.[1] He boldly affirms that in addition to the Scriptures, we must also rely upon the cumulative teachings of the Rabbis (the Oral Torah) as a necessary partner to the Scriptures. As the current President of the Messianic Jewish Theological Institute, Kinzer’s position on the insufficiency of the Bible will doubtlessly be urged upon the students who attend his Institute.
But there is something even more subtle that undermines the sufficiency of Scripture, and this relates to the method some are embracing for interpreting the Bible, or what we call hermeneutics. I have been concerned as I have watched recent doctrinal shifts within the teachings of FFOZ. Setting aside for now their new position on the relationship of Gentiles to the Torah, their recent republication of Paul Philip Levertoff’s Love and the Messianic Age and (even more) their Commentary and Study Guide on Levertoff's book, makes a clear statement about their willingness to embrace a kabbalistic hermeneutic as a valid method for interpreting Scripture. If you’re wondering why I think this signals a crisis, read on.
[1] This does not mean that Kinzer denies the trustworthiness of Scripture. It means that he aligns himself with a basic tenet of rabbinic Judaism, that the Written Torah by itself is incomplete because apart from the Oral Torah, it cannot be fully understood or implemented.
http://www.torahresource.com/Hermeneutic_Crisis.html
---------------
I urge my readers to carefully consider Tim's essay. I saw this coming almost three years ago.....and I am sorry that the pleas of many of us for FFOZ to reconsider its direction, its off-balance rabbinic enamorement, went unheeded. Many of us are looking for sound, Biblical teaching. We left the churches because of unbiblical, syncretistic doctrines and practices and had high hopes of discovering the restoration of the true, apostolic faith in the Messianic/Hebrew Roots movement. Overall, while I am glad for what I have gleaned, it has been a disappointment and has led to many defections from the faith. The rest of us are like scattered sheep in search of shepherds who will feed and care for us in our wilderness wanderings. Although I do not always agree with Tim (are there any two believers who agree these days?!?!), I very much appreciate his remarks in this essay, which closely reflect my own views in this matter. Comments welcome.
6/25/2009
Life Lessons From Job's Trials
Today's Bible Pathway devotional was especially insightful. Here is an excerpt:
Read Job 41 -- 42
Highlights In Today's Reading:
God elaborates on the power and strength of just one of His creations (chap. 41). In contrast, the powerlessness of man is evident to Job who repents (42:1-6). The Lord rebukes Job's friends for their errors. Read whose prayers God accepts (42:8-9). God rewards Job for his faithfulness through the entire ordeal! Check out his blessings (42:10-17).
Much has been revealed in Job concerning the suffering of the righteous, but there are still many unanswered questions. But, through Job, we learn it is not meant for us to know the answers to all of life's problems.
Through a series of two cycles of discussion with Job, over 80 questions, God gloriously revealed Himself and caused Job to realize his own unworthiness. Note Job's answer: Behold, I am vile (unworthy) . . . I will lay mine hand upon my mouth (40:4). I know that Thou canst do every thing, and that no thought can be withholden from Thee. . . . I uttered (things) that I understood not; things too wonderful for me, which I knew not. . . . Wherefore I abhor myself, and repent in dust and ashes (42:2-6). He still did not understand, but now he did not question what God did or permitted.
Those who know God best are most conscious of their imperfections and unworthiness. When the godly Isaiah saw himself in contrast to the Holy God, he fell upon his face, crying: I am a man of unclean lips (Is. 6:5). This was also true of Daniel by the River Hiddekel (Dan. 10:9) and of John on the Isle of Patmos (Rev. 1:17). The Apostle Paul testified: For I know that in me (that is, in my flesh,) dwelleth no good thing (Rom. 7:18).
Job recognized a far deeper revelation of God, understanding more of His ways than he had known before: I have heard of Thee by the hearing of the ear: but now mine eye seeth Thee (Job 42:5).
Job finally realized he did not need to know why. There is a revelation of God and His Word that goes beyond just believing the Truth and doctrines of the Bible. Those who have faith in God, as Job did, do not search for answers to all life's problems but simply trust our loving Creator. All fears and frustrations will vanish as we truly trust in His loving care. No one, through human reasoning, is able to understand why the godly suffer.
Let your conversation (conduct) be without covetousness; and be content with such things as ye have: for He hath said, I will never leave thee, nor forsake thee (Heb. 13:5).
Thought for Today:
I reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us (Rom. 8:18).
http://biblepathway.org/
Read Job 41 -- 42
Highlights In Today's Reading:
God elaborates on the power and strength of just one of His creations (chap. 41). In contrast, the powerlessness of man is evident to Job who repents (42:1-6). The Lord rebukes Job's friends for their errors. Read whose prayers God accepts (42:8-9). God rewards Job for his faithfulness through the entire ordeal! Check out his blessings (42:10-17).
Much has been revealed in Job concerning the suffering of the righteous, but there are still many unanswered questions. But, through Job, we learn it is not meant for us to know the answers to all of life's problems.
Through a series of two cycles of discussion with Job, over 80 questions, God gloriously revealed Himself and caused Job to realize his own unworthiness. Note Job's answer: Behold, I am vile (unworthy) . . . I will lay mine hand upon my mouth (40:4). I know that Thou canst do every thing, and that no thought can be withholden from Thee. . . . I uttered (things) that I understood not; things too wonderful for me, which I knew not. . . . Wherefore I abhor myself, and repent in dust and ashes (42:2-6). He still did not understand, but now he did not question what God did or permitted.
Those who know God best are most conscious of their imperfections and unworthiness. When the godly Isaiah saw himself in contrast to the Holy God, he fell upon his face, crying: I am a man of unclean lips (Is. 6:5). This was also true of Daniel by the River Hiddekel (Dan. 10:9) and of John on the Isle of Patmos (Rev. 1:17). The Apostle Paul testified: For I know that in me (that is, in my flesh,) dwelleth no good thing (Rom. 7:18).
Job recognized a far deeper revelation of God, understanding more of His ways than he had known before: I have heard of Thee by the hearing of the ear: but now mine eye seeth Thee (Job 42:5).
Job finally realized he did not need to know why. There is a revelation of God and His Word that goes beyond just believing the Truth and doctrines of the Bible. Those who have faith in God, as Job did, do not search for answers to all life's problems but simply trust our loving Creator. All fears and frustrations will vanish as we truly trust in His loving care. No one, through human reasoning, is able to understand why the godly suffer.
Let your conversation (conduct) be without covetousness; and be content with such things as ye have: for He hath said, I will never leave thee, nor forsake thee (Heb. 13:5).
Thought for Today:
I reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us (Rom. 8:18).
http://biblepathway.org/
6/15/2009
Netanyahu Speech
"Honoured guests, citizens of Israel.
Peace has always been our people's most ardent desire. Our prophets gave the world the vision of peace, we greet one another with wishes of peace, and our prayers conclude with the word peace.
We are gathered this evening in an institution named for two pioneers of peace, Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat, and we share in their vision.
Two and half months ago, I took the oath of office as the Prime Minister of Israel. I pledged to establish a national unity government – and I did. I believed and I still believe that unity was essential for us now more than ever as we face three immense challenges – the Iranian threat, the economic crisis, and the advancement of peace.
The Iranian threat looms large before us, as was further demonstrated yesterday. The greatest danger confronting Israel, the Middle East, the entire world and human race, is the nexus between radical Islam and nuclear weapons. I discussed this issue with President Obama during my recent visit to Washington, and I will raise it again in my meetings next week with European leaders. For years, I have been working tirelessly to forge an international alliance to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
Confronting a global economic crisis, the government acted swiftly to stabilise Israel's economy. We passed a two-year budget in the government – and the Knesset will soon approve it.
And the third challenge, so exceedingly important, is the advancement of peace. I also spoke about this with President Obama, and I fully support the idea of a regional peace that he is leading.
I share the President's desire to bring about a new era of reconciliation in our region. To this end, I met with President Mubarak in Egypt, and King Abdullah in Jordan, to elicit the support of these leaders in expanding the circle of peace in our region.
I turn to all Arab leaders tonight and I say: "Let us meet. Let us speak of peace and let us make peace. I am ready to meet with you at any time. I am willing to go to Damascus, to Riyadh, to Beirut, to any place- including Jerusalem. I call on the Arab countries to co-operate with the Palestinians and with us to advance an economic peace. An economic peace is not a substitute for a political peace, but an important element to achieving it. Together, we can undertake projects to overcome the scarcities of our region, like water desalination or to maximise its advantages, like developing solar energy, or laying gas and petroleum lines, and transportation links between Asia, Africa and Europe.
The economic success of the Gulf States has impressed us all and it has impressed me. I call on the talented entrepreneurs of the Arab world to come and invest here and to assist the Palestinians – and us – in spurring the economy.
Together, we can develop industrial areas that will generate thousands of jobs and create tourist sites that will attract millions of visitors eager to walk in the footsteps of history – in Nazareth and in Bethlehem, around the walls of Jericho and the walls of Jerusalem, on the banks of the Sea of Galilee and the baptismal site of the Jordan. There is an enormous potential for archeological tourism, if we can only learn to co-operate and to develop it.
I turn to you, our Palestinian neighbours, led by the Palestinian Authority, and I say: Let's begin negotiations immediately without preconditions. Israel is obligated by its international commitments and expects all parties to keep their commitments.
We want to live with you in peace, as good neighbours. We want our children and your children to never again experience war: that parents, brothers and sisters will never again know the agony of losing loved ones in battle; that our children will be able to dream of a better future and realise that dream; and that together we will invest our energies in ploughshares and pruning hooks, not swords and spears.
I know the face of war. I have experienced battle. I lost close friends, I lost a brother. I have seen the pain of bereaved families. I do not want war. No one in Israel wants war.
If we join hands and work together for peace, there is no limit to the development and prosperity we can achieve for our two peoples – in the economy, agriculture, trade, tourism and education – most importantly, in providing our youth a better world in which to live, a life full of tranquillity, creativity, opportunity and hope.
If the advantages of peace are so evident, we must ask ourselves why peace remains so remote, even as our hand remains outstretched to peace? Why has this conflict continued for more than sixty years?
In order to bring an end to the conflict, we must give an honest and forthright answer to the question: What is the root of the conflict?
In his speech to the first Zionist Conference in Basel, the founder of the Zionist movement, Theodore Herzl, said about the Jewish national home "This idea is so big that we must speak of it only in the simplest terms." Today, I will speak about the immense challenge of peace in the simplest words possible.
Even as we look toward the horizon, we must be firmly connected to reality, to the truth. And the simple truth is that the root of the conflict was, and remains, the refusal to recognise the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own, in their historic homeland.
In 1947, when the United Nations proposed the partition plan of a Jewish state and an Arab state, the entire Arab world rejected the resolution. The Jewish community, by contrast, welcomed it by dancing and rejoicing. The Arabs rejected any Jewish state, in any borders.
Those who think that the continued enmity toward Israel is a product of our presence in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, is confusing cause and consequence.
The attacks against us began in the 1920s, escalated into a comprehensive attack in 1948 with the declaration of Israel's independence, continued with the fedayeen attacks in the 1950s, and climaxed in 1967, on the eve of the six-day war, in an attempt to tighten a noose around the neck of the State of Israel.
All this occurred during the fifty years before a single Israeli soldier ever set foot in Judea and Samaria. Fortunately, Egypt and Jordan left this circle of enmity. The signing of peace treaties have brought about an end to their claims against Israel, an end to the conflict. But to our regret, this is not the case with the Palestinians. The closer we get to an agreement with them, the further they retreat and raise demands that are inconsistent with a true desire to end the conflict.
Many good people have told us that withdrawal from territories is the key to peace with the Palestinians. Well, we withdrew. But the fact is that every withdrawal was met with massive waves of terror, by suicide bombers and thousands of missiles.
We tried to withdraw with an agreement and without an agreement. We tried a partial withdrawal and a full withdrawal. In 2000 and again last year, Israel proposed an almost total withdrawal in exchange for an end to the conflict, and twice our offers were rejected.
We evacuated every last inch of the Gaza strip, we uprooted tens of settlements and evicted thousands of Israelis from their homes, and in response, we received a hail of missiles on our cities, towns and children.
The claim that territorial withdrawals will bring peace with the Palestinians, or at least advance peace, has up till now not stood the test of reality.
In addition to this, Hamas in the south, like Hizbollah in the north, repeatedly proclaims their commitment to "liberate" the Israeli cities of Ashkelon, Beersheba, Acre and Haifa. Territorial withdrawals have not lessened the hatred, and to our regret, Palestinian moderates are not yet ready to say the simple words: Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, and it will stay that way.
Achieving peace will require courage and candour from both sides, and not only from the Israeli side. The Palestinian leadership must arise and say: "Enough of this conflict. We recognise the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own in this land, and we are prepared to live beside you in true peace." I am yearning for that moment, for when Palestinian leaders say those words to our people and to their people, then a path will be opened to resolving all the problems between our peoples, no matter how complex they may be.
Therefore, a fundamental prerequisite for ending the conflict is a public, binding and unequivocal Palestinian recognition of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people. To vest this declaration with practical meaning, there must also be a clear understanding that the Palestinian refugee problem will be resolved outside Israel's borders. For it is clear that any demand for resettling Palestinian refugees within Israel undermines Israel's continued existence as the state of the Jewish people.
The Palestinian refugee problem must be solved, and it can be solved, as we ourselves proved in a similar situation. Tiny Israel successfully absorbed tens of thousands of Jewish refugees who left their homes and belongings in Arab countries. Therefore, justice and logic demand that the Palestinian refugee problem be solved outside Israel's borders. On this point, there is a broad national consensus. I believe that with goodwill and international investment, this humanitarian problem can be permanently resolved.
So far I have spoken about the need for Palestinians to recognise our rights. In a moment, I will speak openly about our need to recognise their rights. But let me first say that the connection between the Jewish people and the Land of Israel has lasted for more than 3500 years. Judea and Samaria, the places where Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, David and Solomon, and Isaiah and Jeremiah lived, are not alien to us. This is the land of our forefathers.
The right of the Jewish people to a state in the land of Israel does not derive from the catastrophes that have plagued our people. True, for 2000 years the Jewish people suffered expulsions, pogroms, blood libels, and massacres which culminated in a Holocaust – a suffering which has no parallel in human history. There are those who say that if the Holocaust had not occurred, the state of Israel would never have been established. But I say that if the state of Israel would have been established earlier, the Holocaust would not have occurred. This tragic history of powerlessness explains why the Jewish people need a sovereign power of self-defence. But our right to build our sovereign state here, in the land of Israel, arises from one simple fact: this is the homeland of the Jewish people, this is where our identity was forged. As Israel's first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion proclaimed in Israel's Declaration of Independence: "The Jewish people arose in the land of Israel and it was here that its spiritual, religious and political character was shaped. Here they attained their sovereignty, and here they bequeathed to the world their national and cultural treasures, and the most eternal of books."
But we must also tell the truth in its entirety: within this homeland lives a large Palestinian community. We do not want to rule over them, we do not want to govern their lives, we do not want to impose either our flag or our culture on them. In my vision of peace, in this small land of ours, two peoples live freely, side-by-side, in amity and mutual respect. Each will have its own flag, its own national anthem, its own government. Neither will threaten the security or survival of the other.
These two realities – our connection to the land of Israel, and the Palestinian population living within it – have created deep divisions in Israeli society. But the truth is that we have much more that unites us than divides us. I have come tonight to give expression to that unity, and to the principles of peace and security on which there is broad agreement within Israeli society. These are the principles that guide our policy.
This policy must take into account the international situation that has recently developed. We must recognise this reality and at the same time stand firmly on those principles essential for Israel. I have already stressed the first principle – recognition. Palestinians must clearly and unambiguously recognise Israel as the state of the Jewish people. The second principle is: demilitarisation. The territory under Palestinian control must be demilitarised with ironclad security provisions for Israel. Without these two conditions, there is a real danger that an armed Palestinian state would emerge that would become another terrorist base against the Jewish state, such as the one in Gaza. We don't want Kassam rockets on Petach Tikva, Grad rockets on Tel Aviv, or missiles on Ben-Gurion airport. We want peace.
In order to achieve peace, we must ensure that Palestinians will not be able to import missiles into their territory, to field an army, to close their airspace to us, or to make pacts with the likes of Hizbollah and Iran. On this point as well, there is wide consensus within Israel.
It is impossible to expect us to agree in advance to the principle of a Palestinian state without assurances that this state will be demilitarised.
On a matter so critical to the existence of Israel, we must first have our security needs addressed.
Therefore, today we ask our friends in the international community, led by the United States, for what is critical to the security of Israel: Clear commitments that in a future peace agreement, the territory controlled by the Palestinians will be demilitarised: namely, without an army, without control of its airspace, and with effective security measures to prevent weapons smuggling into the territory – real monitoring, and not what occurs in Gaza today. And obviously, the Palestinians will not be able to forge military pacts.
Without this, sooner or later, these territories will become another Hamastan. And that we cannot accept.
I told President Obama when I was in Washington that if we could agree on the substance, then the terminology would not pose a problem. And here is the substance that I now state clearly: If we receive this guarantee regarding demilitirization and Israel's security needs, and if the Palestinians recognise Israel as the State of the Jewish people, then we will be ready in a future peace agreement to reach a solution where a demilitarised Palestinian state exists alongside the Jewish state.
Regarding the remaining important issues that will be discussed as part of the final settlement, my positions are known: Israel needs defensible borders, and Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel with continued religious freedom for all faiths.
The territorial question will be discussed as part of the final peace agreement. In the meantime, we have no intention of building new settlements or of expropriating additional land for existing settlements.
But there is a need to enable the residents to live normal lives, to allow mothers and fathers to raise their children like families elsewhere. The settlers are neither the enemies of the people nor the enemies of peace. Rather, they are an integral part of our people, a principled, pioneering and Zionist public.
Unity among us is essential and will help us achieve reconciliation with our neighbours. That reconciliation must already begin by altering existing realities. I believe that a strong Palestinian economy will strengthen peace.
If the Palestinians turn toward peace – in fighting terror, in strengthening governance and the rule of law, in educating their children for peace and in stopping incitement against Israel – we will do our part in making every effort to facilitate freedom of movement and access, and to enable them to develop their economy. All of this will help us advance a peace treaty between us.
Above all else, the Palestinians must decide between the path of peace and the path of Hamas. The Palestinian Authority will have to establish the rule of law in Gaza and overcome Hamas. Israel will not sit at the negotiating table with terrorists who seek their destruction. Hamas will not even allow the Red Cross to visit our kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit, who has spent three years in captivity, cut off from his parents, his family and his people. We are committed to bringing him home, healthy and safe.
With a Palestinian leadership committed to peace, with the active participation of the Arab world, and the support of the United States and the international community, there is no reason why we cannot achieve a breakthrough to peace. Our people have already proven that we can do the impossible. Over the past 61 years, while constantly defending our existence, we have performed wonders. Our microchips are powering the world's computers. Our medicines are treating diseases once considered incurable. Our drip irrigation is bringing arid lands back to life across the globe. And Israeli scientists are expanding the boundaries of human knowledge. If only our neighbours would respond to our call – peace too will be in our reach.
I call on the leaders of the Arab world and on the Palestinian leadership, let us continue together on the path of Menahem Begin and Anwar Sadat, Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein. Let us realise the vision of the prophet Isaiah, who in Jerusalem 2700 years ago said: "nations shall not lift up sword against nation, and they shall learn war no more."
With God's help, we will know no more war. We will know peace."
Peace has always been our people's most ardent desire. Our prophets gave the world the vision of peace, we greet one another with wishes of peace, and our prayers conclude with the word peace.
We are gathered this evening in an institution named for two pioneers of peace, Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat, and we share in their vision.
Two and half months ago, I took the oath of office as the Prime Minister of Israel. I pledged to establish a national unity government – and I did. I believed and I still believe that unity was essential for us now more than ever as we face three immense challenges – the Iranian threat, the economic crisis, and the advancement of peace.
The Iranian threat looms large before us, as was further demonstrated yesterday. The greatest danger confronting Israel, the Middle East, the entire world and human race, is the nexus between radical Islam and nuclear weapons. I discussed this issue with President Obama during my recent visit to Washington, and I will raise it again in my meetings next week with European leaders. For years, I have been working tirelessly to forge an international alliance to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
Confronting a global economic crisis, the government acted swiftly to stabilise Israel's economy. We passed a two-year budget in the government – and the Knesset will soon approve it.
And the third challenge, so exceedingly important, is the advancement of peace. I also spoke about this with President Obama, and I fully support the idea of a regional peace that he is leading.
I share the President's desire to bring about a new era of reconciliation in our region. To this end, I met with President Mubarak in Egypt, and King Abdullah in Jordan, to elicit the support of these leaders in expanding the circle of peace in our region.
I turn to all Arab leaders tonight and I say: "Let us meet. Let us speak of peace and let us make peace. I am ready to meet with you at any time. I am willing to go to Damascus, to Riyadh, to Beirut, to any place- including Jerusalem. I call on the Arab countries to co-operate with the Palestinians and with us to advance an economic peace. An economic peace is not a substitute for a political peace, but an important element to achieving it. Together, we can undertake projects to overcome the scarcities of our region, like water desalination or to maximise its advantages, like developing solar energy, or laying gas and petroleum lines, and transportation links between Asia, Africa and Europe.
The economic success of the Gulf States has impressed us all and it has impressed me. I call on the talented entrepreneurs of the Arab world to come and invest here and to assist the Palestinians – and us – in spurring the economy.
Together, we can develop industrial areas that will generate thousands of jobs and create tourist sites that will attract millions of visitors eager to walk in the footsteps of history – in Nazareth and in Bethlehem, around the walls of Jericho and the walls of Jerusalem, on the banks of the Sea of Galilee and the baptismal site of the Jordan. There is an enormous potential for archeological tourism, if we can only learn to co-operate and to develop it.
I turn to you, our Palestinian neighbours, led by the Palestinian Authority, and I say: Let's begin negotiations immediately without preconditions. Israel is obligated by its international commitments and expects all parties to keep their commitments.
We want to live with you in peace, as good neighbours. We want our children and your children to never again experience war: that parents, brothers and sisters will never again know the agony of losing loved ones in battle; that our children will be able to dream of a better future and realise that dream; and that together we will invest our energies in ploughshares and pruning hooks, not swords and spears.
I know the face of war. I have experienced battle. I lost close friends, I lost a brother. I have seen the pain of bereaved families. I do not want war. No one in Israel wants war.
If we join hands and work together for peace, there is no limit to the development and prosperity we can achieve for our two peoples – in the economy, agriculture, trade, tourism and education – most importantly, in providing our youth a better world in which to live, a life full of tranquillity, creativity, opportunity and hope.
If the advantages of peace are so evident, we must ask ourselves why peace remains so remote, even as our hand remains outstretched to peace? Why has this conflict continued for more than sixty years?
In order to bring an end to the conflict, we must give an honest and forthright answer to the question: What is the root of the conflict?
In his speech to the first Zionist Conference in Basel, the founder of the Zionist movement, Theodore Herzl, said about the Jewish national home "This idea is so big that we must speak of it only in the simplest terms." Today, I will speak about the immense challenge of peace in the simplest words possible.
Even as we look toward the horizon, we must be firmly connected to reality, to the truth. And the simple truth is that the root of the conflict was, and remains, the refusal to recognise the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own, in their historic homeland.
In 1947, when the United Nations proposed the partition plan of a Jewish state and an Arab state, the entire Arab world rejected the resolution. The Jewish community, by contrast, welcomed it by dancing and rejoicing. The Arabs rejected any Jewish state, in any borders.
Those who think that the continued enmity toward Israel is a product of our presence in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, is confusing cause and consequence.
The attacks against us began in the 1920s, escalated into a comprehensive attack in 1948 with the declaration of Israel's independence, continued with the fedayeen attacks in the 1950s, and climaxed in 1967, on the eve of the six-day war, in an attempt to tighten a noose around the neck of the State of Israel.
All this occurred during the fifty years before a single Israeli soldier ever set foot in Judea and Samaria. Fortunately, Egypt and Jordan left this circle of enmity. The signing of peace treaties have brought about an end to their claims against Israel, an end to the conflict. But to our regret, this is not the case with the Palestinians. The closer we get to an agreement with them, the further they retreat and raise demands that are inconsistent with a true desire to end the conflict.
Many good people have told us that withdrawal from territories is the key to peace with the Palestinians. Well, we withdrew. But the fact is that every withdrawal was met with massive waves of terror, by suicide bombers and thousands of missiles.
We tried to withdraw with an agreement and without an agreement. We tried a partial withdrawal and a full withdrawal. In 2000 and again last year, Israel proposed an almost total withdrawal in exchange for an end to the conflict, and twice our offers were rejected.
We evacuated every last inch of the Gaza strip, we uprooted tens of settlements and evicted thousands of Israelis from their homes, and in response, we received a hail of missiles on our cities, towns and children.
The claim that territorial withdrawals will bring peace with the Palestinians, or at least advance peace, has up till now not stood the test of reality.
In addition to this, Hamas in the south, like Hizbollah in the north, repeatedly proclaims their commitment to "liberate" the Israeli cities of Ashkelon, Beersheba, Acre and Haifa. Territorial withdrawals have not lessened the hatred, and to our regret, Palestinian moderates are not yet ready to say the simple words: Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, and it will stay that way.
Achieving peace will require courage and candour from both sides, and not only from the Israeli side. The Palestinian leadership must arise and say: "Enough of this conflict. We recognise the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own in this land, and we are prepared to live beside you in true peace." I am yearning for that moment, for when Palestinian leaders say those words to our people and to their people, then a path will be opened to resolving all the problems between our peoples, no matter how complex they may be.
Therefore, a fundamental prerequisite for ending the conflict is a public, binding and unequivocal Palestinian recognition of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people. To vest this declaration with practical meaning, there must also be a clear understanding that the Palestinian refugee problem will be resolved outside Israel's borders. For it is clear that any demand for resettling Palestinian refugees within Israel undermines Israel's continued existence as the state of the Jewish people.
The Palestinian refugee problem must be solved, and it can be solved, as we ourselves proved in a similar situation. Tiny Israel successfully absorbed tens of thousands of Jewish refugees who left their homes and belongings in Arab countries. Therefore, justice and logic demand that the Palestinian refugee problem be solved outside Israel's borders. On this point, there is a broad national consensus. I believe that with goodwill and international investment, this humanitarian problem can be permanently resolved.
So far I have spoken about the need for Palestinians to recognise our rights. In a moment, I will speak openly about our need to recognise their rights. But let me first say that the connection between the Jewish people and the Land of Israel has lasted for more than 3500 years. Judea and Samaria, the places where Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, David and Solomon, and Isaiah and Jeremiah lived, are not alien to us. This is the land of our forefathers.
The right of the Jewish people to a state in the land of Israel does not derive from the catastrophes that have plagued our people. True, for 2000 years the Jewish people suffered expulsions, pogroms, blood libels, and massacres which culminated in a Holocaust – a suffering which has no parallel in human history. There are those who say that if the Holocaust had not occurred, the state of Israel would never have been established. But I say that if the state of Israel would have been established earlier, the Holocaust would not have occurred. This tragic history of powerlessness explains why the Jewish people need a sovereign power of self-defence. But our right to build our sovereign state here, in the land of Israel, arises from one simple fact: this is the homeland of the Jewish people, this is where our identity was forged. As Israel's first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion proclaimed in Israel's Declaration of Independence: "The Jewish people arose in the land of Israel and it was here that its spiritual, religious and political character was shaped. Here they attained their sovereignty, and here they bequeathed to the world their national and cultural treasures, and the most eternal of books."
But we must also tell the truth in its entirety: within this homeland lives a large Palestinian community. We do not want to rule over them, we do not want to govern their lives, we do not want to impose either our flag or our culture on them. In my vision of peace, in this small land of ours, two peoples live freely, side-by-side, in amity and mutual respect. Each will have its own flag, its own national anthem, its own government. Neither will threaten the security or survival of the other.
These two realities – our connection to the land of Israel, and the Palestinian population living within it – have created deep divisions in Israeli society. But the truth is that we have much more that unites us than divides us. I have come tonight to give expression to that unity, and to the principles of peace and security on which there is broad agreement within Israeli society. These are the principles that guide our policy.
This policy must take into account the international situation that has recently developed. We must recognise this reality and at the same time stand firmly on those principles essential for Israel. I have already stressed the first principle – recognition. Palestinians must clearly and unambiguously recognise Israel as the state of the Jewish people. The second principle is: demilitarisation. The territory under Palestinian control must be demilitarised with ironclad security provisions for Israel. Without these two conditions, there is a real danger that an armed Palestinian state would emerge that would become another terrorist base against the Jewish state, such as the one in Gaza. We don't want Kassam rockets on Petach Tikva, Grad rockets on Tel Aviv, or missiles on Ben-Gurion airport. We want peace.
In order to achieve peace, we must ensure that Palestinians will not be able to import missiles into their territory, to field an army, to close their airspace to us, or to make pacts with the likes of Hizbollah and Iran. On this point as well, there is wide consensus within Israel.
It is impossible to expect us to agree in advance to the principle of a Palestinian state without assurances that this state will be demilitarised.
On a matter so critical to the existence of Israel, we must first have our security needs addressed.
Therefore, today we ask our friends in the international community, led by the United States, for what is critical to the security of Israel: Clear commitments that in a future peace agreement, the territory controlled by the Palestinians will be demilitarised: namely, without an army, without control of its airspace, and with effective security measures to prevent weapons smuggling into the territory – real monitoring, and not what occurs in Gaza today. And obviously, the Palestinians will not be able to forge military pacts.
Without this, sooner or later, these territories will become another Hamastan. And that we cannot accept.
I told President Obama when I was in Washington that if we could agree on the substance, then the terminology would not pose a problem. And here is the substance that I now state clearly: If we receive this guarantee regarding demilitirization and Israel's security needs, and if the Palestinians recognise Israel as the State of the Jewish people, then we will be ready in a future peace agreement to reach a solution where a demilitarised Palestinian state exists alongside the Jewish state.
Regarding the remaining important issues that will be discussed as part of the final settlement, my positions are known: Israel needs defensible borders, and Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel with continued religious freedom for all faiths.
The territorial question will be discussed as part of the final peace agreement. In the meantime, we have no intention of building new settlements or of expropriating additional land for existing settlements.
But there is a need to enable the residents to live normal lives, to allow mothers and fathers to raise their children like families elsewhere. The settlers are neither the enemies of the people nor the enemies of peace. Rather, they are an integral part of our people, a principled, pioneering and Zionist public.
Unity among us is essential and will help us achieve reconciliation with our neighbours. That reconciliation must already begin by altering existing realities. I believe that a strong Palestinian economy will strengthen peace.
If the Palestinians turn toward peace – in fighting terror, in strengthening governance and the rule of law, in educating their children for peace and in stopping incitement against Israel – we will do our part in making every effort to facilitate freedom of movement and access, and to enable them to develop their economy. All of this will help us advance a peace treaty between us.
Above all else, the Palestinians must decide between the path of peace and the path of Hamas. The Palestinian Authority will have to establish the rule of law in Gaza and overcome Hamas. Israel will not sit at the negotiating table with terrorists who seek their destruction. Hamas will not even allow the Red Cross to visit our kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit, who has spent three years in captivity, cut off from his parents, his family and his people. We are committed to bringing him home, healthy and safe.
With a Palestinian leadership committed to peace, with the active participation of the Arab world, and the support of the United States and the international community, there is no reason why we cannot achieve a breakthrough to peace. Our people have already proven that we can do the impossible. Over the past 61 years, while constantly defending our existence, we have performed wonders. Our microchips are powering the world's computers. Our medicines are treating diseases once considered incurable. Our drip irrigation is bringing arid lands back to life across the globe. And Israeli scientists are expanding the boundaries of human knowledge. If only our neighbours would respond to our call – peace too will be in our reach.
I call on the leaders of the Arab world and on the Palestinian leadership, let us continue together on the path of Menahem Begin and Anwar Sadat, Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein. Let us realise the vision of the prophet Isaiah, who in Jerusalem 2700 years ago said: "nations shall not lift up sword against nation, and they shall learn war no more."
With God's help, we will know no more war. We will know peace."
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